The results of economic analyses, like the results of risk
assessments, are often expressed as single numbers unaccompanied
by any information on the precision or uncertainty that might be
associated with them. The inconsistency among agencies and
programs in estimating, for example, the cost per life saved in
association with a regulatory decision reflects, in part, the
uncertainty associated with valuing such a quantity.
FINDING 4.2.1: Like health risk assessment,
economic analysis involves multiple assumptions and produces
uncertain results. Estimates of the costs and benefits associated
with alternative regulatory and nonregulatory options rely on
data to the extent that data are available, relevant, and
reasonably precise, but they also rely on judgments, values,
assumptions, and extrapolations.
RECOMMENDATION: The primary sources of
uncertainty associated with the results of economic analyses
should be identified, characterized, stated explicitly,
communicated clearly, and quantified where appropriate. The
results of economic analyses should not be expressed as though
they are precise measures of actual economic costs and benefits.
RATIONALE
As inputs to economic analysis, the results of health risk
assessments contribute a large degree of uncertainty. The
uncertainty associated with an upper-bound point estimate of
individual risk can range over several orders of magnitude.
Economic analysis relies not on point estimates of individual
risk, but on the entire probability distribution of potential
costs or benefits for an entire affected population, which cannot
be accurately extrapolated from an upper-bound point estimate of
individual risk. Economic analysis relies on information about
the central tendencies (mean or median) of costs and benefits for
a population as a whole as well as measures of dispersion, so
that aggregate expected net benefits can be evaluated.
Determining central tendencies and measures of dispersion
requires information on the probability distributions underlying
the important components of costs and benefits. If a scientific
assessment of risk provides information only on the upper bounds
of hazards the economic analysis will either overstate the net
benefits to the general population or be relevant only to the
tail of the risk distribution. However, relying only on central
tendencies might misrepresent net costs or benefits to particular
subpopulations. Avoiding these inconsistencies requires changes
in approaches to both health risk assessment and economic
analysis, as discussed later in section 4.3.
Other sources of uncertainty in economic analyses used in an
environmental context are associated with valuing the benefits of
environmental assets. Environmental assets are features of the
natural environment whose degradation people would be willing to
pay to avoid. They include recreation areas, endangered species,
visual range, open space, and wetlands. People might value
preventing degradation of those assets because they use the
services that the assets provide ("use value") and
because "they are there" ("non use value");
quantitative estimates of value in both cases can be highly
variable and often controversial.
Cost estimates are also highly variable and imprecise, and
they can vary according to the bias of the organizations
affected. Regulatory agencies often must base their cost
estimates on incomplete and possibly biased information, which
might tend to overestimate or underestimate costs. The Office of
Technology Assessment (1995) evaluated a variety of examples that
illustrated how agency estimates of the costs of new regulations
before enactment differed from the actual costs incurred. For
example, industry comments suggested that implementing the
workplace standard for vinyl chloride would cost industries $1
billion; actual costs were about $250 million. OSHA predicted
that implementing the workplace standard for cotton dust would
cost industries about $280 million a year; actual annual costs
were about $80 million. Neither of those estimates anticipated
process and technology changes that substantially decreased
costs, increased efficiency, and reduced exposures.
In general, costs are initially overestimated, not
underestimated, according to MIT Professor Nicholas Ashford's
testimony to the Commission, for several reasons: costs are often
provided by the regulated industries, the ability of regulated
industries to learn more cost-effective means of compliance is
neglected, economies of scale are ignored, and preregulatory cost
estimates neglect the impressive effect that regulations can have
on stimulating new technologies. Of course, estimating the
economic impact of a new regulation before it occurs is
inherently very difficult, relying of necessity on assumptions,
judgments, and speculation.
Examples of documented cost underestimation are more difficult
to identify, because of a dearth of retrospective analysis.
Nevertheless, a number of analysts believe that it occurs with
some frequency. For example, recent Clean Air Act rule-makings
associated with operating permits did not adequately allow for
affected emitters' opportunity cost that resulted from delays in
receiving new permits. The Resource Conservation and Recovery
Act's rule-making on assessing the toxicity of waste materials
included large volumes of lower-risk materials inadvertently; as
compared to EPA's estimate, the regulation of those materials
under the rule substantially increased the actual costs of the
rule.
The assumptions upon which economic analysis is based are
associated with many sources of uncertainty, so it is misleading
to express the results of economic analyses as single
quantitative estimates of costs or benefits. Results of analyses
should often include more than single estimates of costs and
benefits, expressed in a manner that reflects their inherent
uncertainty. In some cases, probabilistic techniques can provide
a sense of the distribution of possible outcomes. In other cases,
it might be possible to assess only a few alternative scenarios
with some qualitative information about their relative
plausibility. In all cases, however, it is essential to identify
the primary sources of uncertainty.
FINDING 4.2.2: Monetized valuation of
benefits for regulatory purposes is inconsistent across
regulatory agencies and programs.
RECOMMENDATION: To achieve more nearly
consistent benefit valuation among regulatory agencies, the value
of mortality risks should be stated explicitly and valued with
best estimates or ranges of estimates and with consistent use of
procedures and basic assumptions. The development of federal
guidelines for benefit valuation involving stakeholder input
should be considered.
RATIONALE
Although a succession of administrations have issued executive
orders that require consideration of costs and benefits in
rulemaking, those administrations have explicitly refused to
establish a consistent basis for valuing a death risk reduction
(or "statistical life" saved) or to establish a basis
for evaluating estimates of the cost statistical life saved
associated with a policy option. As a result, under current
guidance, agencies may choose not to value death risks (or
"lives") explicitly or choose not to subject their
regulations to comparison with a benchmark for cost
effectiveness.
That kind of valuation inconsistency takes several forms,
including whether an analysis even includes explicit values for
death risk reductions, how such values are incorporated, and what
values are chosen. For agencies that explicitly value death risk
reductions, the implied value of a statistical life ranges from
$1 million to $10 million. For agencies that do not explicitly
value death risk reductions, but instead base decisions on an
"acceptable" cost per life-saved, the implicit value of
a statistical life can be far higher. One study of EPA regulatory
decisions that affected cancer risks found regulations
promulgated that cost over $50 million per life saved. The Office
of Management and Budget study of such behavior, involving a
broader range of causes of death, found even higher costs per
life saved, as did a recent Congressional Budget Office study of
drinking-water standards. Another way of valuing lives or social
costs is by the ratio of false-negatives (failing to identify a
chemical as a carcinogen) to false-positives (inappropriately
identifying a chemical as a carcinogen, thereby leading to
regulation and loss of its beneficial uses), as illustrated by
the Lave-Omenn value-of-information model for carcinogenic test
strategies (Lave et al. 1988, Omenn and Lave 1986, Omenn et al.
1995).
Encouraging agencies and programs to value death risks with
consistent procedures that lead to the best estimates or ranges
of estimates of such values under specified conditions could
reduce interagency and intra-agency inconsistency. "Best
estimates"(3) can
be devised within an interagency process that takes into account
consensus and the range of uncertainty around published values,
including the comparability of various types of risks. Government
and private resources are less likely to be wasted when agency
rule-making consistently reduces death risks at costs that
reflect the value of the risk reduction. Explicit valuation of
reductions in death risks also makes it easier to compare
regulatory alternatives when expected benefits are
nonquantifiable.
3
The term "best estimate" is ill-defined and controversial when used to describe the results of risk assessments (see abstract of paper prepared for the Commission by Cambridge Environmental, Inc., in appendix A.5). However, to economists, best estimate is a well-defined and accepted concept, referring to central tendency or expected value.